Chapter 13 Case Study: The Australia-Africa 2006 Active Community Clubs’ Initiative

The qualitative social impact analysis of how social networks form and function around community-based needs, reports on processes of networking and active citizenship. This case study forms part of a more comprehensive impact assessment of the community clubs of Thembalethu (in the township of NU2) and Siyakhula (in the rural village of Tshabo) in the Eastern Cape Province. The township of NU2 in Mdantsane is a relatively open urban community compared to Thabo which is a more closed rural community. Against the background of poverty, crime, anti-social behaviour and civic apathy, the Active Community Clubs’ Initiative set out to plan, structure and implement sport, recreation and educational programmes to address local needs and challenges. The sport development programme was mainly channelled through the local schools and implemented by volunteer coaches and administrators who were locally recruited and capacitated through training and mentorship. As the community clubs grew and took on a ‘community life’, different programmes developed and contributed to increased levels of civic engagement and network functionality.

Methodology

A representative sample of participants and stakeholders in the various programmes offered at the community clubs of Siyakhula and Thembalethu served as case studies. The various institutions (schools), networks (i.e. church groups) and their activities (i.e. outreach projects and school sport) were traced over a period of 13 months at about six month-intervals. The intervals represent a pre-impact, mid-impact and post-impact phase of implementing needs-based community programmes at the various clubs.

A total of 39 interviews (which lasted an average of one hour) were conducted during the three phases of the research, with a representative sample of stakeholders at regional and local levels.

In order to determine the delivery and community ‘up-take’ of the programmes, a judgment sample participated in 18 focus group sessions (which lasted between 90 minutes and two hours). Six groups participated during the three research intervals. The participants included: i) Community leaders (n=39), ii) Representatives of households, including representatives of a gardening project (n=87), iii) Sport coaches and administrators (n=51), iv) Participants in the Sport Programme (rugby, netball and cricket) – U/11 boys (n=47) and U/11 girls (n=43); U/13 and U/15 boys (n=78), as well as U/13 and U/15 girls (n=77), and v) Participants in the Health Education (HIV/Aids) Programme (n=6).

Case studies of volunteer coaches, administrators and youth-at-risk (n=31) were compiled to trace the individual perceptions and experiences related to various aspects of the programme implementation and perceived impact.

Data analysis

Transcribed interviews were analysed through the method of ethnographic content analysis that resulted in the development of categories that emerged from the qualitative data as salient codes shared across the groups of research participants. In the more comprehensive study, quantitative data was obtained through questionnaires, but for this paper, limited survey data obtained, merely represents numbers and functioning of networks at community level. Network functioning is described in terms of network closure and horizontal, as well as vertical ties (i.e. bonding, linking or bridging ties).

Findings

Programmes and networks
Following the recruitment and training of volunteers, representation of the Australian Sports Commission set out to structure and facilitate the various community clubs. The initial programmes (June 2002) included sport programmes where netball and rugby were offered for school children (from under-eleven to under fifteen), followed by cricket in 2003. Several local teachers were recruited as coaches or administrators and as such formed horizontal ties of mutual trust and cooperation with the volunteers.

Through establishing relationships of trust and ‘open communication’ with the children, they bridged the social distance between parents and the school. Offering sport at school was seen as an effective strategy for recruiting children ‘back to school’. Children’s sport participation and the relative status of success and recognition for the school, the coaches and community contributed to a sense of community awareness, a heightened sense of self-worth and empowerment. The following narratives demonstrate the social dynamics in this regard:

‘Our mothers said that they are very much proud of us. They will sing for us and encourage us when we are playing. Even if we lose, they will be encouraging, and will say: ‘Don’t worry, next time.’ (Under-15 netball girl, Tshabo)

‘This programme of sport has put our community on the map. The children went to take part in the All Stars Tournament and brought us fame.’ (Members of households from Tshabo)

‘We became like mother or father figures. We have opened communication channels and especially girls will tell us about their family problems and being abused at home. We could then go and speak with their parents and assist them.’ (Volunteer coaches, NU2/Mdantsane)

‘Children who were not schooling came to attend the school as they liked to play sport.’ (Volunteer coach, Tshabo)

Reciprocally the coaches received recognition as important social agents. Their status and valued contribution ‘for teaching children discipline and values’ were openly recognized by the community, which in turn contributed to the fostering of altruistic values and positive social relations. The following narratives demonstrate such perceptions.

‘When I get recognized by the kids in the street, and they call out, ‘Hallo Coach!’ It makes me feel very good.’ (Volunteer coach, NU2/Mdantsane)

‘My children looked down on me because I was unemployed, but they are now very supportive of my coaching. I now have a better family life. I am recognized as somebody.’ (Coach and administrator, NU2/Mdantsane)

‘Children are now (better) behaved and disciplined.’ (Representatives of households, Tshabo)

‘They have learnt to respect each other and also to show respect to adults. It is part of the values that they learnt from taking part in sport. The coach is an important influence in this regard.’ (Volunteer coach from NU2/Mdantsane)

‘We learnt respect for the coach, the team, referees, our elders and parents.’ (Under 13-boys, NU2/Mdantsane)

Close networks developed among same sex age cohorts as a positive breeding ground for positive social values and behaviour. According to the opinions of various participants, relationships of mutual trust and altruism developed among the children. At Tshabo, the under-fifteen rugby players started to train regularly at a local ‘gymnasium’ and if boys did not attend the training sessions or ‘turned back to smoking and drinking’, the group excluded them and they were dropped from the team. In this sense they bonded as a group and were closely linked through a dense network of reciprocal ties. Access to membership had as prerequisite the demonstration of pro-social behaviour that would provide safeguarding against the social ills of the community such as stealing, fighting, smoking and drinking. ‘Being actively involved in sport, ‘kept them from the streets’ and from ‘doing crime’. ‘ Sport participants relate their perceptions and experiences as follow:

‘We have learnt to become brothers and sisters – not to fight.’ (Under-13 boys, Tshabo)

‘Children who took part in sport have broken the tie with criminal elements.’ (Volunteer coaches from NU2/Mdantsane)

‘There is definitely a reduction in the crime rate, especially in the case of smaller crimes that used to be committed by the youth. ‘They do not smoke dagga anymore or gamble so much with the dices. They do not have the time and there is also a code amongst the players that the one who smokes, is out of the team. In this sense children are set free because of sport.’ (Volunteer coach from Tshabo)

Sport participation enabled children to escape abusive relations at home and as such is considered an important coping mechanism. Children would travel together and they found protection in the membership of the group. The following narratives illustrate the development of pro-social values demonstrated in an attitude of care and respect:

‘By playing sport, we avoid abuse at home.’ (Under-13 netball player at NU2/Mdantsane)

‘Children walk home together (after practices) and keep each other safe.’ (Volunteer coach from NU2/Mdantsane)

‘Players look out for each other.’ (Volunteer coach from Tshabo)

By delivering the sport programmes at community level, the volunteer coaches and administrators provided leadership for the development of other needs-based programmes. Among these were the health programme (HIV/Aids, introduced in June 2002 in U2/Mdantsane), a gardening project (introduced in December 2002 in Tshabo and already in existence in NU2/Mdatsane in June 2002) and welfare group in Tshabo (who conducted a door-to-door campaign during April and May 2003). The welfare group had as core, female members from a local church group who also successfully lobbied for the recruitment of local workers for a government-funded ‘fencing project’. The gardening project in Tshabo was very successful and constructed a partnership between the administrators of Siyakhula Club, teachers and community members. The school provided the premises (next to the school) and water, the administrators facilitated the partnership and the community members provided the labour. They jointly marketed the surplus produce and bought seeds after the vegetables had been distributed to the school (for the feeding scheme) and members of the project.

Two administrators of Thembalethu Community Club (NU2/Mdantsane) ran the health programme that consisted of lectures on HIV/Aids, personal hygiene and healthy living to local schools. This programme was still in the planning phases throughout the research period in Tshabo as not ‘enough people were trained and there is not money to run the programme.’

Other programmes that were not sustainable during the research period included a ‘washing project’ where women came together to wash the clothes of ‘dirty children’, and a ‘beading and sewing project’. The ‘washing project’ offended parents who felt humiliated ‘that others took responsibility for caring for their children’ and opposed it, whereas the latter project failed due to the lack of machines and material resources (‘the government did not deliver’). The gardening project in NU2/Mdatshane disintegrated and was left with only one member as the ‘others failed to contribute to watering and buying of seeds and only wanted to pick vegetables for themselves.

Discussion

Voluntary membership and network formation around the different programmes facilitated or offered by the Active Community Club Initiative, demonstrated heightened levels of civic engagement as envisaged as essential for political stability and economic prosperity. In the context of chronic poverty, the economic impact needs to be translated into the utilization of human resources as social assets such as in the case of the gardening project at Tshabo where the produce was distributed to mutually benefit the school and the wider community. The closure of such networks resulted in the closure of strong horizontal ties and networks. On the one hand it contributed to an in-group affiliation and cohesion, but as such excluded people who didn’t hold membership. Close networking generated collective empowerment to access resources outside the community (sport training, education and competitions), as well as negotiated job opportunities for community members (the fencing project). In this sense brokerage between community-based and outside networks, was facilitated.

Sport participation was closely linked with value-education and the fostering of pro-social values and behaviours. Participants internalised the values and demonstrated trust and respect (especially between coaches and participant), co-operation, discipline and an attitude of care (between similar age cohorts). Trust and norms are essential to the functionality of networks. The development of pro-social values and behaviour was strongly associated with addressing criminal behaviour and providing an individual with rewarding relationships.

The ideology of ubuntu is closely linked with network formation, mobility and collective agency at community level. It changed perceptions that citizens cannot just demand rights, but have the obligation and responsibility to demonstrate ‘active citizenship. In this study the community club provided an important leadership and facilitation role for the development of social capital in the forms of functional networking, social cohesion and civic engagement. It transcended from individuals to families, and from institutions (the schools and community clubs) to the wider community. Community members accepted ownership of the clubs and offered their own human resources in exchange for collective and individual empowerment. Volunteerism became status conferring and carried in it the spirit of altruism – self-sacrifice for the greater benefit of the community.

Conclusion

The developing of civic engagement and networking that fosters increased social interconnectedness from a ‘bottom-up approach’, not only provides local solutions to local problems, but generates acting power and ownership among community members. The community clubs provide a ‘social home’ for various networks that seek affiliation or access to human resources (coaches, administrators and project leaders) that provide social capital through leadership and the facilitation of bonding networks (horizontal ties) that contribute to cohesion, as well as bridging ties that provide access to external resources (such as participation in tournaments, coaching courses and working opportunities) for community members. The regeneration of community life centres round ubuntu as value-system and social glue that binds and protects members against the hardships of chronic poverty.